An essay I wrote about the Spanish Revolution/Civil War for my first year European History 1890-1945 unit. I think it's a good account of what happened, supported by mainstream and radical evidence.
“The last idealistic war, the last dream of a people striving for the impossible...for utopia” 2
“In point of truth, the whole world had betrayed Spain.” - Emma Goldman3
Europe in the 1930s was a very different place to how Europeans would have imagined it. Totalitarianism was swallowing up the liberal-democratic countries, Mussolini now “proudly proclaimed that the democracies were obsolete and decaying and that Fascism represented the way of the future.”4 The exception was Spain; in 1931 the Spanish threw out their dictator to become a democratic republic. Then, in 1936 the Spanish civil war broke out, Mussolini and Hitler used it to test the resolve and strength of the remaining democracies. Tens of thousands of people from Europe, and indeed the whole world, volunteered to fight in the Spanish civil war, driven by ideology. Apart from those willing to travel and fight in Spain, the war was largely ignored by the working-class and the European left. The only countries that officially sent material aid to the republicans were Mexico5 and Russia. Britain and France officially pursued a policy of non-intervention. Britain, however aided Franco substantially. Outside Spain the conflict was viewed as a simple civil war that broke out between the loyalists and the rebels, a war between democracy and fascism6. In actual fact, there were many more layers of complexity than an ordinary civil war and, for many reasons, they were glossed over by the propaganda machines of Europe. It was not until many years after the war that our understanding matured to a point where we could understand what Spain had the potential to become if only the outcome was different.
The Spanish civil war started on July 17 1936 when sections of the army including General Franco rebelled and attempted a coup d'etat. When Franco rebelled, the republican government was slow to react and he might have been more successful if not for the efforts of revolutionary trade-unions who immediately formed armed workers militias and were successful in securing Barcelona, Madrid and about half of Spain from the rebels. When these workers fought it was not under the red-yellow-purple flag of the republic but for the red flag of socialism or the red-black flag of anarchism. “We fight for the revolution, we expect help from no-one. We will show you Russian Bolsheviks how to make a revolution”7 - The anarchists were fighting for a libertarian revolution and an independent Spain8, not for soviet communism or bourgeoisie democracy. The government was supported by liberals, capitalists, communists and right-wing socialists. They were fighting for the republic and capitalism, to maintain the status quo. At first, the pro-government forces and the revolutionaries had a practical alliance against Franco, however this alliance broke down and often intense fighting broke out between the two factions before Franco took control of the country.
The Spanish civil war was characterised by an unprecedented number of foreign volunteers fighting for the for all sides. There were around 35,0009 volunteers on the republican side, from around the world, their motivations varied, however most were motivated by vague 'anti-fascist' feelings. Numbers of Italians and Germans in Spain were especially high because many anti-fascists had already been forced into exile. Many famous public figures either fought or were sympathetic towards the republicans including George Orwell, Ernst Hemingway, Emma Goldman, Pablo Picasso and Federico Lorca. Their experiences in the war and representation of it, while insignificant at the time, has shaped our modern understanding of the Spanish civil war.
After it became clear Spain was divided and a lengthy civil war was under way, the Republicans turned to their natural ally, France, for aid. France was in a very difficult position in the 1930's. Germany had re-militarised the Rhineland and France's main concern was avoiding a war with Germany which it would almost certainly lose without the help of Britain. France was also concerned about the possibility of a revolution spilling across the boarder and the loss of its African territories, especially Morocco. Despite all of these factors France did initially agree to send a token amount of aid to the Republic, however the conservatives in parliament and British allies blocked the socialist government's attempts to send more aid.10
While some in the Republican government thought there was a possibility of British help, this was even more remote than French. Britain, like France was desperately trying to avoid a war with Germany and following a policy of 'appeasement'. Britain also owned substantial investments in Spain which were threatened by the anarchist and socialist policy of collectivisation.11 British businessmen openly supported Franco, In particular; Rio Tinto Ltd, which owned a £10m pyrite mine in northern Spain, petitioned the government to allow it to trade with Franco, effectively financing the war.12 Britain also controlled the strategically valuable ports of Gibraltar and Tanger which allowed it to control the entrance to the Mediterranean. It did not want to risk these falling into German or Italian hands.13 So while Britain, as a liberal-democratic country, was the ideological ally of the Republic, it was the practical ally of Franco.
While the conservatives in Britain would have openly supported Franco, in order to ensure co-operation from Labour and to pacify the trade unions they proposed and formed the non-intervention committee with the other major parties, France, Italy, Germany and the USSR. Had the non-intervention committee been sincere and effective, this would have meant victory for the republic and the revolutionaries who were numerically superior to the nationalists on the mainland.14 However, while Italy and Germany continued to directly aid Franco, with Britain aiding him indirectly, the non-intervention committee was effective in convincing the French not to aid the republicans and in delaying Soviet aid to the communists. The outcome of this was eventually a victory for Franco. The British navy was staunchly pro-Franco and played a crucial role in the early stages of the war, even if it was acting without direct orders from London. Britain used the excuse of non-intervention to blockade Spain, however the blockade was almost entirely one sided. The best example of this was in the straights of Gibraltar. The Spanish navy had remained almost entirely loyal to the government thanks to revolutionary minded sailors and was blockading the straights of Gibraltar15. This was a big problem for the Nationalists as Franco's battle-hardened army was stuck in Spanish Morocco. German transport planes then began to fly his army to the peninsular. While the British allowed the German planes to use British air-space and no attempt was made to blockade them, the battle ship HMS Queen Elizabeth did blockade the loyal Spanish navy from engaging the enemy around Gibraltar several times.16 While this clear bias seems minor, we must remember Franco's African army was 30,000 men strong and proved decisive in later conflicts around Madrid.
Perhaps most puzzling of all was the response from Russia and the Communist International (Comintern). The USSR sent fighter and bomber planes, equipment and military advisers, as well as secret police and political agitators, while the Comintern organised around 32,000 volunteers from 52 nations to fight. This aid played a decisive role in the conflict, especially in the fighting around Madrid. Of course the supplies were not given directly to the government but rather to the Spanish Communist Party, to ensure that the Kremlin's agenda was implemented in Spain. Contrary to international opinion and simple common-sense, the Kremlin's agenda was not revolutionary in Spain. The communists in Spain were on the extreme right of the political spectrum within the republican side, they were counter-revolutionary and fought for bourgeoisie democracy, against fascism and against revolutionary elements. Evidence for this is given by accounts of the Barcelona street fighting where communist police raided the Barcelona telephone exchange, which was collectivised by the anarchists.17 This is also consistent with public statements made by Soviet diplomats at the time – Viscount Chilston, the British ambassador in Moscow summarised official Soviet policy - “Spain and the world revolution could wait; meanwhile any danger to France is a danger to the USSR.”18 This policy eventually contributed to Franco's victory; it did not have the intended effect of unifying all of the 'anti-fascists' under one banner, rather it created resentment and quelled the great enthusiasm of the Spanish working class for the revolution and victory. This sentiment was best expressed by Emma Goldman - “If I can't dance, I don't want to be in your revolution”19
In order to understand the Russian reaction to the Spanish civil war, it is first important to understand Stalin's foreign policy. Stalin's objective was 'socialism in one country', hence world revolution took a back seat to the national security of the USSR. In the 1930's the USSR was undergoing intense domestic economic development and it was still militarily weak, therefore it desperately wanted to avoid war until it had finished militarisation. Stalin judged that the greatest military threat was posed by Hitler, who was openly hostile to the 'red state'. In order to combat this threat Stalin sought to forge a grand anti-fascist alliance with the democratic countries, Britain and France. On 2 May 1935 the Soviet-French treaty of mutual assistance was signed, revealing that Stalin's primary foreign objective was not to upset France or Britain. This objective accounts for the counter-revolutionary actions of communists in Spain and the rest of Europe. The secondary objective was to contain Fascism which was rapidly expanding across Europe, including eastern Europe. If the USSR could delay a fascist takeover in Spain, this could delay the expansion in eastern Europe and a potential military invasion of Russia.20 Once we have analysed these motives the stance taken by the Communist Party in Spain is makes-sense. The USSR would oppose fascism in Spain but only if it could prevent a revolution.
The communists also towed the party line in other countries. The various communist parties in Europe held modest influence and controlled widely read newspapers such as the Daily Worker and the New Statesman in England. These international communists now told Europe's militant workers to “fight for democracy” after years of saying “democracy is a swindle”. This had the effect of ensuring a minimum amount of interest in Spain. Especially so soon after the first world war when there were very few people willing to fight another pointless 'war for democracy'.21 Emma Goldman, who had toured revolutionary Spain was quick to point out that “...while the Russian Revolution had met instantaneous response from workers in every land, the inertia of the international proletariat created a special problem in the Spanish Revolution.”22 Furthermore, “Outside Spain few people grasped that there was a revolution; inside nobody doubted it” Orwell argued that the working class in democratic countries could have helped Spain by taking industrial action23 such as strikes and boycotts.24 Perhaps industrial action may have been able to force France to support the Republic or force Britain to enforce non-intervention against Italy. However, such action was impossible while the militant workers of the world remained ignorant of the revolution in Spain.
There were hundreds of thousands of Spanish refugees who fled Franco's regime. The European left did not seem to have any more compassion for the Spanish people after the war than they did during it. They were “dis-owned as failures and nuisances”25 everywhere except in Mexico, the only country to supply the republican side with unconditional assistance during the war, where they were free to stay and work. “It was an exceptional act of charity at a time when men's hearts had turned to stone.”26
The reaction of the European left proved inadequate to save the Republic from 'fascism'. All the powers acted pragmatically in what they perceived as their own self interest; the plight of the Spanish people was not a factor in decision-making. Britain had too much money invested in Spain. France was too compromised and divided to act. Stalin, in a vein attempt for French and British international support undermined and divided the 'anti-fascists' in Spain. However it was the absence of international left wing solidarity that doomed Spain. The strategy of 'non-intervention' from the British and French governments combined with the Comintern's 'fight for democracy' and denial of revolutionary Spain had the effect of “blind-folding the workers of the rest of the world.”27 Liberty, equality and fraternity were and still are good motivations only of individuals and small groupos de afinidad28 and not of hierarchical organisations or governments. Therefore it is not right to blame the communists or any other external party for the situation in Spain, how could we have expected them to act any differently?
“We are going to inherit the Earth, there is not the slightest doubt about that; The bourgeoisie will destroy their world before abandoning history's stage. We carry the seeds of a new world in our hearts, a world that is growing every moment.” - Durruti Buenaventa
Bibliography
Gilbert, F and Large, DC, The End of The European Era 1890 to the present, W.W Norton & Company, London, 2002
Thomas, H, The Spanish Civil War, 2001
Jackson, G, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War, Thames and Hudson, London, 1974
Kern, R, “Anarchist Principles and Spanish Reality: Emma Goldman as a Participant in the Civil War” 1936-39, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No. 2/3, pp.237-259, 1976
Kitchen, M, “The Spanish Civil War”, in Europe Between the Wars, Ch.12, Pearson, London, 2006
Libertarius, Arandra Vicente, Sogepaq Distributcion, S.A, 1996
Moradiellos, M, “The Gentle General: The Official British Perception of General Franco during the Spanish Civil War”, Preston, P and Mackenzie, A (eds), The Republic Besieged: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1996
Orwell, G, Homage to Catalonia, Penguin Books, London, 1974
Smyth, D, ““We are with you”: Solidarity and self-interest in Soviet Policy towards Republican Spain, 1936-1939”, Preston, P and Mackenzie, A (eds), The Republic Besieged: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1996
1For the purposes of this essay I have taken the term 'European left' in the broadest sense: Anyone left of Hitler, including the governments of Britain and France, Stalin and, of course the workers movements, excluding the catholic workers unions which mostly supported Franco.
3R Kern, “Anarchist Principles and Spanish Reality: Emma Goldman as a Participant in the Civil War” 1936-39, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No. 2/3, pp.237-259, 1976, p.249
4Gilbert, F and Large, DC, The End of The European Era 1890 to the present, W.W Norton & Company, London, 2002, p.291
5Obviously, Mexico does is not part of the European Left, however deserves mention as the exception to all the countries and factions that acted out of short-term self interest.
6While there is much debate around whether Franco was a 'fascist', that is outside the scope of this essay and for simplicity's sake we shall call him and his allies fascists.
7Durruti Buenaventa, an anarchist leader, quoted in the fictional film Libertarius, Arandra Vicente, Sogepaq Distributcion, S.A, 1996
8In many cases they were actually fighting not for an independent Spain but for an independent region such as Basque, Catalonia etc.
9Thomas, H, The Spanish Civil War, 2001
10Jackson, G, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War, Thames and Hudson, London, 1974, p.59
11Jackson, G, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War, Thames and Hudson, London, 1974, p.60
12Blinkhorn, M(ed), Spain in Conflict 1932 1939: Democracy and it's enimies. Sage Productions, London, 1986, p.243
13Jackson, G, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War, Thames and Hudson, London, 1974, p.60
14Kitchen, M, “The Spanish Civil War”, in Europe Between the Wars, Ch.12, Pearson, London, 2006, p. 352
15Jackson, G, A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War, Thames and Hudson, London, 1974, p.48-9
16Moradiellos, M, “The Gentle General: The Official British Perception of General Franco during the Spanish Civil War”, Preston, P and Mackenzie, A (eds), The Republic Besieged: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1996, p.4
17Orwell, G, Homage to Catalonia, Penguin Books, London, 1974
18Smyth, D, ““We are with you”: Solidarity and self-interest in Soviet Policy towards Republican Spain, 1936-1939”, Preston, P and Mackenzie, A (eds), The Republic Besieged: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1996 p.98
19This quote does not relate to the Spanish revolution directly; it appeared in Living my Life, published in 1931. However it still captures the feeling of the revolutionaries in Spain.
20Smyth, D, ““We are with you”: Solidarity and self-interest in Soviet Policy towards Republican Spain, 1936-1939”, Preston, P and Mackenzie, A (eds), The Republic Besieged: Civil War in Spain 1936-1939, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1996 p.95-96
21Orwell, G, Homage to Catalonia, Penguin Books, London, 1974, p. 68
22R Kern, “Anarchist Principles and Spanish Reality: Emma Goldman as a Participant in the Civil War 1936-39”, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No. 2/3, pp.237-259, 1976, p.247
23Industrial action is action taken by workers, usually co-ordinate by unions such as strikes and boycotts. The aim of this type of action is to create economic power with which the unions can bargain for better wages, or in this case a reversal in governmental policy.
24Orwell, G, Homage to Catalonia, Penguin Books, London, 1974, p. 51 & 68
25Kitchen, M, “The Spanish Civil War”, in Europe Between the Wars, Ch.12, Pearson, London, 2006, p.365
26Kitchen, M, “The Spanish Civil War”, in Europe Between the Wars, Ch.12, Pearson, London, 2006, p.365
27R Kern, “Anarchist Principles and Spanish Reality: Emma Goldman as a Participant in the Civil War” 1936-39, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No. 2/3, pp.237-259, 1976, p.249
28Affinity groups were the smallest basic unit of co-operation for anarchists in the Spanish civil war.
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